Many evolutionary biologists were charmed by the elegance of the tradeoff model. Bull himself found support for it in experiments with a virus that infects bacteria. “I confess that when I first heard the ideas I bought them hook, line, and sinker,” says Bull. “A lot of people in the field did. The appeal of the original proposal was that you could take this simple concept of a tradeoff and you could apply it to any infectious disease.”
As the tradeoff model gained strength, some evolutionary biologists thought it could become the basis for fighting human diseases. Paul Ewald, a biologist now at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, argued that altering the transmission of diseases could make them less dangerous. Putting up mosquito nets over beds and windows, for example, would make it harder for mosquitoes to carry malaria parasites from an infected person to a new host. The virulent form of malaria, which makes its hosts bedridden and often kills them, would be put at a disadvantage. “You should be able to have the milder strains favored strongly by natural selection,” Ewald predicts.
But some biologists—Bull among them—started to have misgivings. Bull and his colleagues ran new experiments in which bacteria-dwelling viruses evolved under more realistic conditions. They found that faster transmission made the viruses more harmful, as the tradeoff model had predicted, but the difference was so slight that Bull “became much less impressed with the results,” he now says. “I began to think, hmm, this doesn’t work too well.”
Bull last year discovered a kindred spirit in Ebert, who has independently carried out some of the most important experiments on the evolution of virulence. “They’re two giants of the field,” says Michael Hochberg of the University of Montpellier, France. Although Ebert’s results seemed to support the tradeoff model, he had grown disenchanted as well. “We had similar frustrations,” says Ebert. The two decided to attack the tradeoff model in the January issue of Trends in Microbiology. “We’re not pioneers here,” says Bull. “We know lots of other people who feel the same way.”
They claim that most of the support for the model comes from extreme, unnatural conditions. Myxoma, a veritable poster child for virulence, was not in any sort of equilibrium with its host; an imported pathogen, it was matched against a vulnerable population that had never been exposed to it before. As for experiments, the more natural their conditions, the fuzzier their results became. “You always need additional explanations to keep the tradeoff model working,” says Ebert.
Ebert and Bull also point out that many real-world diseases fail to support the model. The Spanish flu epidemic of 1918 broke out in the cramped, foul conditions of World War I in which transmission was easy, killing millions, Ebert and Bull acknowledge. But they wonder why foul, cramped conditions have never triggered another flu epidemic since then. And even when the tradeoff model is relevant, its practical value may be remote. “If I told you I can do something about malaria, but it will take me 10,000 years, you’d tell me to forget about it,” says Ebert.
Ebert and Bull’s challenge has been seconded by other researchers. “It’s long overdue,” says Levin. Marc Lipsitch of Harvard University adds, “They’re quite correct, and that’s why I don’t work in the field anymore.”
The mobility factor
The original architects of the tradeoff model are not impressed by Ebert and Bull’s arguments, however. “Nothing very new in this,” says Roy Anderson of Imperial College in London. Ewald calls it “very sad and dangerous.”
Ewald complains that the critics are trying to demolish a straw man. He says that they leave out a crucial component of his work, for example, the mode by which a disease infects new hosts. If hosts become so sick they can’t move, a parasite can only infect other people who come close, unless a vector such as a mosquito can transport it. This factor is crucial in Ewald’s explanation of Spanish flu. He doesn’t ascribe the deadliness of the epidemic simply to cramped conditions. “That wasn’t my argument,” says Ewald. “My argument was that at the Western Front you had conditions in which people who were completely immobilized could contact hundreds or thousands of people.” Sick soldiers were moved on stretchers to triage areas, then to makeshift hospitals, then onto crowded trains. In these conditions, a flu virus could devastate its host but still infect vast numbers of people. “My argument was that we wouldn’t see a 1918 pandemic arise unless we duplicated this situation which occurred on the Western Front,” says Ewald.
Nor does Ewald think critics have addressed his evidence on cholera. Vibrio cholerae makes people sick by releasing a toxin that triggers diarrhea. As a result, competing organisms get flushed out of the bowels while V. cholerae clings to the intestinal lining. It can then release its offspring into the diarrhea to infect new hosts. The bacteria reach those new hosts by two routes. Untreated sewage or runoff from laundered sheets can contaminate drinking water. Alternatively, an infected person can transmit the bacteria while handling food, shaking hands, or engaging in other social interactions—which generally require a host healthy enough to get out of bed.
Ewald argues that in places with poor sanitation, cholera can make hosts deathly ill but still find new hosts. As a result, it will evolve to high virulence. On the other hand, in places with protected water supplies, that route is cut off. The bacteria’s only option for survival is to let the host move around, which translates into reduced virulence.
Ewald’s observations of the cholera outbreak that struck South America in the 1990s support the hypothesis. In countries with poor sanitation, such as Ecuador, the outbreak was far deadlier than in countries with clean water, such as Chile. Ewald also measured the toxins produced by strains of cholera from different countries. He found that toxin production in Chile dwindled through the 1990s. “In Ecuador, it’s the mirror image of Chile,” says Ewald. “Over a 6-year period, you have only the virulent strains winning out.”
Other experts agree that the critics have not yet made their case. Andrew Read of the University of Edinburgh, U.K., says of Bull and Ebert, “I think they’re reacting to a quite old view. … There was a lot of optimism flung around in the late 1980s and early 1990s. I think the last 10 years have given everybody a feel for the complexity involved and the lack of data, so that nobody that I know of is making wildly optimistic statements. So they’re tilting at a caricature.”
Read nevertheless concedes that evolutionary biologists are a long way from becoming virulence managers: “We don’t know enough about any one disease to be enacting anything now.” Even Ewald grants that it will be a tough hike. Just demonstrating that a change in the transmission of a pathogen can make it less harmful to humans would take a colossal study of thousands of people. In some cases the scale would require “billion-dollar experiments.” For now, Ewald suggests, we may have no choice but to continue studying “natural experiments” to see whether virulent pathogens behave as the theorists have predicted.
Copyright 2003 American Association for the Advancement of Science. Reprinted with permission.